labradore

"We can't allow things that are inaccurate to stand." — The Word of Our Dan, February 19, 2008.

Monday, March 30, 2015

Turnout (was re: Private to everyone)

Guys, guys, guys: the comparison is not as between federal and provincial voter turnout in Newfoundland and Labrador. The comparison is between provincial voter turnout among the various provinces.

And the picture is not a very pretty one. Out of the ten provinces, in the most recent provincial general election, Newfoundland and Labrador had a voter turnout of 57.9 percent, or sixth out of the ten:

Prov
Election
Turnout
Rank
BC
2013
57.1
7
AB
2012
57.0
8
SK
2011
66.0
3
MB
2011
55.8
9
ON
2014
52.1
10
QC
2014
71.4
2
NB
2014
65.4
4
NS
2013
59.0
5
PE
2011
76.5
1
NL
2011
57.9
6

And, as noted by one of the very papers that the much-maligned (for no good reason) Samara study cites, between 1965 and 2009, Newfoundland and Labrador's provincial voter turnout averaged 71.1%... again, sixth out of the ten provinces:


Maybe there's some evidence of high voter engagement that Samara missed, and which would put paid to their conclusions.

The provincial voter-turnout record is not that evidence.

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Sunday, November 17, 2013

Synopsis

Count-by-count summary of the Newfoundland and Labrador Liberal leadership vote (in points):

First count:

Points%
Dwight2130.0544.4%
Cathy1089.0522.7%
Jim128.052.7%
Danny131.692.7%
Paul1321.1527.5%

Second count:

Points%
Dwight2257.1547.0%
Cathy1144.9923.9%
Jim
Danny
Paul1397.8629.1%

Third count:

Points%
Dwight2832.2959.0%
Cathy
Jim
Danny
Paul1967.7141.0%

Reallocation of points:

1 to 22 to 3
Dwight127.1575.14
Catty55.94
Jim
Danny
Paul76.71569.85

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Grassroots

To put the truly astonishing Newfoundland and Labrador Liberal leadership vote into perspective, here is a table of "open" party leadership contests in Canada, both federal and provincial, since the Parti Québécois leadership race of 1985.

These include party leaderships decided by open, one-member-one-vote member- or supporter-based voting, or conventions which were open to all party members. It also includes party leaderships which were geographically weighted one-member-one-vote, but excludes internal party votes for delegated leadership conventions.

Colours follow the traditional partisan colour scheme, with the addition of purple for Quebec sovereigntist parties, and green for non-"Conservative" right-of-centre parties.

The "votes" figure takes the total number of valid votes on the largest ballot (or count, in the cast of preferential ballots.) The per-capita figure expresses the total number of leadership votes in the largest ballot as a percentage of the voters list in the province (or Canada) at the chronologically nearest federal election. (One exception: the 1990 Ontario PC leadership is expressed as a percentage of the 1990 Ontario provincial voters list.)

Since 1985, the average open provincial party leadership has attracted about 1.5% of that province's electors. At 5.8%, as a pure exercise in voter-mobilization, the NL Liberal leadership is a runaway success.

Additions and corrections are welcome.

Despite the wrinkles and gremlins, the NL Liberal Party, and the teams behind the five candidates, deserve full credit for driving this leadership process, which, adjusted for population, is one of the biggest exercises of grassroots party democracy in recent Canadian history.



PartyJurisdictionYearVotesPer-capita
PC AB 2006 144,289 6.2%
Liberal NL 2013 23,873 5.8%
Liberal PEI 1996 4,329 4.4%
PC AB 1992 78,251 4.2%
Liberal PEI 2003 3,969 3.6%
PC AB 2011 78,176 3.1%
NDP SK 2001 19,465 2.8%
Liberal NB 2012 14,672 2.5%
Parti QuébécoisQC198596,9742.1%
Parti QuébécoisQC2005105,2591.8%
Liberal BC 2011 54,879 1.8%
NDP SK 2009 9,444 1.3%
NDP SK 2013 8,719 1.2%
PC MB 2006 9,143 1.1%
Liberal NS 1992 6,998 1.0%
Bloc QuébécoisQC199748,4370.9%
Wild Rose AB 2009 16,400 0.7%
PC NB 2008 4,029 0.7%
NDP BC 2011 20,016 0.6%
Social Credit BC 1993 14,833 0.6%
Liberal AB 1994 11,004 0.6%
PC ON 2002 44,188 0.6%
Canadian Alliance Can 2000 120,557 0.6%
Saskatchewan SK 1998 3,344 0.5%
PC SK 1994 3,298 0.5%
PC NS 1995 2,985 0.4%
Conservative Can 2004 97,397 0.4%
Liberal Can 2013 104,552 0.4%
Liberal AB 1998 7,636 0.4%
Canadian Alliance Can 2002 88,228 0.4%
PC ON 2004 32,390 0.4%
Liberal AB 2011 8,640 0.3%
PC ON 2009 25,429 0.3%
NDP Can 2002 58,202 0.3%
Liberal BC 1993 6,540 0.3%
NDP Can 2012 65,108 0.3%
PC ON 1990 15,850 0.3%
Bloc Québécois QC 2011 12,846 0.2%
Liberal AB 2008 4,860 0.2%
PC Can 1998 30,100 0.2%
NDP ON 2009 11,150 0.1%
Liberal AB 2004 2,733 0.1%
ADQ QC 2009 3,912 0.1%
Wild Rose AB 2005 1,128 0.1%

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Monday, October 17, 2011

Trending topic

In response to a sudden blurst of interest in the subject on the twitters earlier today, here is a canonical listing of political contributions made by local governments since the dawn of time in 1996.

All contributions have been made to parties outside of writ periods, with the exception of the first two in the table, which were election-period contributions to an independent candidate in The Straits and White Bay North.

[Edited to add....] Also in 2004, the Progressive Conservative party receive a contribution of $150 from th Western Health Care Corp. This would seem to be the only such contribution on record from any of the regional health care authorities to any party or candidate.

Year   Donor                              Candidate/Party   Amount 
1996   COMMUNITY OF GREEN ISLAND BROOK    COATES, Dennis    $353.41
1996 SANDY COVE COMMUNITY COATES, Dennis $111.00

1998 Town of Musgravetown Lib $150.00
2001 Town of Cottlesville Lib $150.00
2001 Town of Cottlesville Lib $ 50.00

2004 Town of Stephenville PC $750.00
2005 City of Corner Brook PC $750.00
2005 Town of Stephenville PC $750.00
2006 City of Corner Brook PC $750.00
2007 City of Corner Brook PC $750.00
2008 City of Corner Brook PC $750.00
2009 Town of Carbonear PC $400.00
2009 Town of Harbour Grace PC $160.00
2009 Town of Marystown PC $375.00
2010 Town of Badger Incorporated PC $400.00
2010 Town of Carbonear Incorporated PC $150.00
2010 Town of Carbonear Incorporated PC $100.00

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Thursday, October 13, 2011

Torngat turnout

With a nod to Nain Bay for highlighing this interesting fact, the district of Torngat Mountains had its largest-ever absolute vote turnout on Tuesday. In fact, it has set new high-water marks for total vote in each of the past three elections:

         Total      % turnout
1979 848 ?
1982 1139 ?
1985 1151 81.7%
1989 1327 90.4%
1993 1218 83.0%
1996 1134 84.6%
1999 1223 80.2%
2003 1368 67.6%
2007 1480 71.2%
2011 1516 71.2%* (unofficial)
While highest in absolute numbers, it wasn't the highest in relative turnout as expressed as a share of eligible electors. Still, Torngat Mountains has a long history of consistently high turnout. In eight provincial elections since 1985 inclusive, Torngat Mountains has had higher-than-provincial-average turnout in all but two of them, and was only off by 0.6% in 1993. Remarkably, in four of the past five elections, turnout in Torngat has been 10% or more above the provincial average.

The provincial electoral history of this district, which consists of six isolated, mostly Inuit and Innu communities along the North Coast of Labrador, defies the stereotype (and, sadly, too often the reality) of low participation in the electoral process by Aboriginal people.

Not only is turnout in Torngat quite healthy, so is participation by Aboriginal people as candidates. Since 1993, Torngat Mountains has been consistently represented by a native-born Aboriginal person (William Andersen III, Wally Andersen, Patty Pottle, now Randy Edmunds.) This was the first election in which all major party candidates were Labrador Inuit. There has been at least one Innu candidate in the district, Simeon Tshakapesh in 1999. Inuit candidates also presented themselves under the Labrador Party banner in 2003 and 2007.

If anyone has the total vote-list figures for 1979 (when the district was first created) and 1982, which would allow for the completion of this table, pass'em on.

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Saturday, October 08, 2011

Numbers

An excerpt from Saturday's letter to the Telegram by Richard Cashin, Ed Hearn, and Dennis Browne, one of a flurry of lengthy Muskrat Falls-related letters which, sadly, do not make it to the paper's public web site:


All this comes at a time in which our population growth is declining and aging. The burden of Muskrat Falls will be heavy on our taxpayers as well as our ratepayers. Here are some population figures.
     1989.......................576,000
1992.......................580,000
2000.......................527,000
2004.......................517,000
2015.......................520,000
2019.......................514,000
2025.......................513,000
It's not entirely clear where Cashin the authors got those "figures", but they are already more optimistic than the population projections which Nalcor submitted to the Public Utilities Board, which are.
     2011.......................513,000
2015.......................515,000
2019.......................510,000
2025.......................507,000
As this corner has previously noted even these figures are already over-optimistic and out of date: the latest Statistics Canada estimate pegs the population of the entire province at under 511,000. The truly relevant population — that of the Island Interconnected service area — is even smaller, excluding, as it does, 25- to 30,000 in Labrador, plus several thousand more living in isolated diesel communities in Newfoundland.


[Edited to credit all the authors of the letter.]

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Wednesday, October 05, 2011

But what does it mean?

According to statistics published Wednesday by Elections Newfoundland and Labrador, 4% of the voters list, almost on the nose, voted in advance polls. (This does not include other early voters who voted through special ballots or in the local returning office.)

Twenty districts had advance-voting rates higher than 4%. Most of these were in the greater St. John's area:

Grand Falls-Windsor–Buchans      8.00%
Signal Hill–Quidi Vidi 7.67%
Cartwright–L’Anse au Clair 6.52%
St. John’s West 6.46%
St. John’s East 6.39%
Carbonear–Harbour Grace 5.61%
St. John’s South 5.50%
St. John’s Centre 5.44%
Port de Grave 5.30%
Virginia Waters 4.94%
Mount Pearl South 4.88%
St. John’s North 4.67%
Humber Valley 4.61%
Mount Pearl North 4.60%
Conception Bay East–Bell Island 4.58%
Humber East 4.37%
Gander 4.32%
Conception Bay South 4.32%
Cape St. Francis 4.30%
Burin–Placentia West 4.20%

Bringing up the rear were Torngat Mountains (1.36%), Bay of Islands (1.9%), Burgeo–La Poile (1.91%), Trinity–Bay de Verde (2.08%), St. Barbe (2.14%) and Fortune Bay—Cape La Hune (2.15%). The remote coastal districts in northern Labrador and the south coast of Newfoundland were the target of Elections Newfoundland and Labrador special ballot efforts, which may have diverted early voters from the "Advance" line to the "Special Ballots" one.

In the current election, six of the ten highest advance-vote districts were in metro St. John's. In 2007, only three were. The top ten, interestingly enough, were almost all seats heavily targetted by Danny Williams-Government for pickup or hold, starting with Signal Hill–Quidi Vidi (7.7%), then on through Carbonear–Harbour Grace, Grand Falls–Windsor–Buchans, Port de Grave, Exploits (Liberal in 2003, picked up by the PCs in a by-election), Lake Melville (a narrow margin in 2003), Humber Valley (a Liberal by-election pickup in 2007), St. John’s East, Torngat Mountains (a narrow PC pickup in 2007), and St. John’s West.

Most of the rural target seats this year, for any of the parties, and for pickup or hold, have below-average advance turnout rates: Lake Melville, Baie Verte–Springdale, Grand Falls–Windsor–Green Bay South, The Straits–White Bay North, Bonavista North, St. George’s–Stephenville East, The Isles of Notre Dame, Labrador West, Bellevue, Fortune Bay–Cape La Hune, St. Barbe, Burgeo–La Poile, Bay of Islands, Torngat Mountains.)

This may mean that the Tories and NDP are pumping GOTV resources into St. John's, and that the Tories are doing so at the expense of the formerly strenuous GOTV efforts in potential rural battleground districts in the Williams-era general and by-elections.

Alternatively, in rural areas, GOTV efforts may have focused instead on the special ballot mechanism rather than advance voting.

Or... it may all mean nothing at all. We shall see soon enough.

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"Have" municipalities

There is all kinds of Fascinating to be found in Wade Locke's report on Municipal Fiscal Sustainability, released on Tuesday by the commissioners of the report, Municipalities Newfoundland and Labrador. The full report is available on MNL's website.

By way of nibbling into the Fascinating, take this, a mathematical riff off one of Locke's supporting tables. In the original table, Locke lists a large cross-section of municipalities (though not quite all) according to the population of the municipality, and by how much the residents collectively paid in provincial income taxes in 2006 (the most recent census year.)

To this data, yours truly has added the unincorporated community of Churchill Falls, plus other localities in Labrador not included in Locke's original sample. His (and my's) source data is available at Community Accounts. The communities are then sorted in descending order by the ratio between the community's share of provincial income tax, and its share of the provincial population.

Out of 236 communities (Locke's 227 sample plus the other Labrador communities added after the fact), there were 27 where the city, town, or community contributed a larger share of provincial income tax, than would be expected if the distribution of provincial income tax was perfectly uniform across the province.

At the very top of the scale — somewhat inexplicably; possible explanations are welcome as comments — is Trinity, Trinity Bay, which contributed 0.16% of PIT with 0.04% of the provincial population. Next up are Wabush and Labrador City, both pulling about double their demographic weight in PIT.

Here's the full list of the 27 "have" municipalities or localities, showing the total dollar amount of provincial income taxes paid in 2006, their share of total PIT paid province-wide, and the ratio of share of PIT paid to share of 2006 provincial population:

COMMUNITY                             PIT paid        %     ratio
================================================================
Trinity, Trinity Bay $1,406,000 0.16% 4.32
Wabush 6,029,000 0.70 2.01
Labrador City 24,690,000 2.85 2.00
Logy Bay‐Middle Cove‐Outer Cove 5,534,000 0.64 1.77
Churchill Falls 1,925,000 0.22 1.68
Happy Valley‐Goose Bay 19,790,000 2.29 1.52
Long Harbour‐Mount Arlington Heights 543,070 0.06 1.51
Paradise 32,408,000 3.75 1.50
Portugal Cove‐St. Philip's 15,988,000 1.85 1.42
Torbay 15,001,721 1.73 1.39
Steady Brook 1,036,029 0.12 1.39
Massey Drive 2,786,560 0.32 1.39
St. John's 234,652,000 27.12 1.36
Gander 22,536,000 2.60 1.33
Sunnyside, Trinity Bay 1,031,000 0.12 1.28
Trepassey 1,638,000 0.19 1.26
Mount Pearl 52,372,000 6.05 1.23
Pasadena 6,490,000 0.75 1.19
Miles Cove 273,000 0.03 1.18
Conception Bay South 43,129,000 4.98 1.15
Flatrock 2,341,000 0.27 1.15
Come‐By‐Chance 759,000 0.09 1.14
Arnold's Cove 2,016,000 0.23 1.14
Clarenville 10,178,728 1.18 1.13
Harbour Main‐Chapel Cove‐Lakeview 2,066,000 0.24 1.11
St. Anthony 4,577,710 0.53 1.08
Goose Cove East 434,651 0.05 1.08

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Tuesday, July 22, 2008

Sixty years ago today

Sixty years ago today, residents of Labrador cast a ballot for only the third time in history, in the second and deciding round of the 1948 referendum.

The previous two had been the June referendum, in which continuing Commission of Government was eliminated as an option, and the 1946 National Convention election, in which Labrador sent Confederation supporter Rev. Lester Burry as its representative.

During more than a century of responsible government in Newfoundland, the elected government of Newfoundland never saw fit to extend the democratic franchise to Labrador.

By some quirk of administrative history, the poll-by-poll results for the referendum in Labrador have survived. For the interests of posterity, they are reproduced below in modified form from the table published in Them Days 10(2), 1984.

                  Confederation     Responsible
with Canada Government


L'anse au Clair 74 0
Forteau 91 6
L'anse Amour 17 6
L'anse au Loup 60 14
Capstan Island 32 1
West St Modeste 55 10
Pinware 46 9
Red Bay 76 3
Barge Bay 29 0
Henley Harbour 61 6
Cape Charles 51 7
Battle Harbour 35 32
Indian Cove 36 0
Trap Cove 63 1
St. Mary's River 20 1
Fox Harbour 64 1
Port Hope Simpson 49 10
William's Harbour 24 6
George's Cove 49 16
Square Islands 17 11
Frenchman's Island 28 14
Batteau 35 10
Black Tickle 21 43
Spotted Islands 57 5
Indian Tickle 21 17
Grady 14 14
Cape North 12 6
Pack's Harbour 21 5
Cartwright 67 0
Independent 63 5
Old Man's Cove 19 2
Fox Point 15 0
Separation Point 30 1
West Bay 15 0
Rigolet 61 1
North West River 155 1
Mud Lake 13 0
Goose Airport (Can.) 55 12
Goose Airport (US) 63 114
Hamilton River 91 13
Cape Harrison 23 0
Aillik 38 5
Three Rapids 17 0
Davis Inlet 23 1
Voisey's Bay 19 0
Nain 64 1
Queen's Lakes 59 3
Hebron 86 7
Nutak 58 7
Saglek 30 2
Not only did Labrador vote overwhelmingly for Confederation — it had the highest Confederation with Canada vote in the June round; the fifth-highest in the second — all but three polling divisions voted for the Confederation option.

One poll was tied.

Not only that, but there were only nine polls where the Responsible Government side got more than 25% of the vote.

Not only that, but in 28 of the 50 polls, Responsible Government got less than 10%.

And not only that, but in fully a fifth of the polls, the RGL got blanked.

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